şükela:  tümü | bugün
  • bir toplumun başarısını, (ki o başarıyı kişi başına milli gelir, bilimsel üretim, demokrasi seviyesi, hukukun üstünlüğü vs. gibi değerler ile ölçüyorlar) o toplumun tüm mensuplarının ortalama zeka seviyesinden ziyade, en üst %5'lik dilimin zeka seviyesinin daha çok belirlediğini iddia eden teori.

    http://lagriffedulion.f2s.com/sft.htm
  • yine aynı teoriye göre toplumun aids ve suç oranı vb. istatistikleri ise an alttaki %5'in zeka seviyesi ile ilintili.
  • sozluk algisi kapsaminda nefret sucu ile iliskilendirilebilecek bir diger teori, diger bir ozelligi ise amerika nin niye bu kadar basarili oldugunu aciklayabilmesi. bece o oran %5 degil %0.005 filan olmali.

    turkiyenin ne kadar basarili olup olmadigini belirleyen kisi sayisinin uc bes bin kisi civarinda oldugu kanaatindeyim
  • evrim teorisinin "doğal seleksiyon" kavramı ile emperyalizmin vicdanının aklanıp paklanması gibi.
    biz hür ve zengin iken bu siyah derililer neden köle ve sefalet içerisinde? çünkü biz daha üstün bir ırkız, onlarsa daha ilkel yaratıklar, doğa kanunu gereği biz onlardan faydalanabiliriz.

    biz amerikalılar rahatça göt büyütürken ırak'ta neden çocuklar ölüyor? çünkü bizim en zekilerimiz ırak'ın en zekilerinden daha zeki. ha iyiymiş o zaman. bi big mac daha aliyim.
  • sudan'da politikanın eğiitim yolu ile insan yaratmasının sonuçları.

    ayrıca beşir neden başkanımızın kankası daha iyi anlayacaksınız.

    however, as public and private education in many societies is under
    state control/supervision, schools may ostensibly propagate critical thinking and
    glorify social reform, but in reality, they are just as likely to transmit the traditional
    values of the society (meisenberg, 2004).

    ın autocratic societies, such as sudan,
    social engineering and a political agenda have been a core goal of education; and
    in most or all countries under autocratic rule, education has been seen as an
    efficient method of instilling desirable characteristics in citizens (doumato, 2003),
    for instance local history, social postulates, or the official religion or sect.

    designing curricula for such politically motivated objectives may come at the
    expense of other important educational goals.

    the quality of education in sudan has been a problem ever since the country
    was under british–egyptian rule; and as in most third-world countries,
    governments in sudan have long pre-engineered education objectives to achieve
    political goals.

    at the time of the british–egyptian condominium (1899-1955), objective was to produce an administrative workforce that would oversee the day-to-day life of the population in the service of british-egyptian rule.

    after the socialists took over, during the late sixties and seventies, the objective was to transform the predominantly muslim society into a socialist one.

    finally, when the ıslamists took over in 1989, the objective was to arabize education.

    the country was and still is facing political unrest and armed conflicts that deplete its scarce resources to the extent that educational reforms do not receive the required
    financial and political support (batterjee & ashria, 2015).

    some sudanese scholars see the beginning of interest in gifted education in
    sudan with the establishment of qur’anic special schools (known in sudan as
    khalwa) (attallah, 2009).

    others think that galton’s visits to sudan in 1845 and 1846 were significant milestones in the history of gifted education in the country (jarwan, 1999). regardless, what is clear from reviewing the history of gifted education in sudan is that its share of government attention and support has been very little.

    khaleefa, among others, desperately appealed to president al bashir to “quietly listen to and enjoy the sound of the revolution of multiple intelligence
    that is expected to dismantle the realms of traditional education and psychology
    teaching methods in the country” (khaleefa, 2006, p. 127).

    six years later, however, ıbrahim, another sudanese scholar, expressed the education
    community’s disappointment and frustration with the stagnant situation of gifted
    education by asking: “do sudanese curricula and teaching strategies help
    create a citizen passionate and interested in research, reform, innovation, and
    creativity?” (khaleefa, 2012, p. 166).

    the answer he provided does not come as a surprise, as it has been repeatedly confirmed by research that compared to western children, children’s cognitive abilities in sudan decline as they progress in school (batterjee & ashria, 2015).

    (bkz: https://www.researchgate.net/…cation_the_sudan_case)

    bizim gibi ülkelerin yaptığı hataların temel özeti. ne demiştik? ülkenin kaderi bilişsel eliti nasıl eğittiğinize dayanır.

    biz elimizdeki bilişsel eliti ziyan ediyoruz.
  • bilişsel elitin ülkenin zenginliğini arttırmaktaki rolü üzerine bir araştırma. araştırma diyor ki; bilişsel elitinizi stem'e yöneltin. ( eski anadolu liseleri, fen liseleri.) biz ne yaptık? anadolu liselerini dümdüz ettik, bilişsel elitimizi imam-hatip liselerine yönlendirerek köreltmeye çalışıyoruz.

    yukarıdaki giriden alıntı: (bkz: #93937313)

    "the answer he provided does not come as a surprise, as it has been repeatedly confirmed by research that compared to western children, children’s cognitive abilities in sudan decline as they progress in school (batterjee & ashria, 2015)."

    google translate:

    “sağladığı cevap şaşırtıcı değil; batılı çocuklara kıyasla çocukların sudandaki bilişsel yeteneklerinin okulda ilerledikçe azaldıklarını belirten araştırmalar tarafından defalarca onaylandığı gibi.

    bilişssel elitimizi körelterek batışımızı elimizle hazırlıyoruz.

    cognitive capitalism: the effect of cognitive ability on wealth, as mediated through scientific achievement and economic freedom

    heiner rindermann1 and james thompson21chemnitz university of technology and 2university college london

    abstract

    traditional economic theories stress the relevance of political, institutional, geographic, and historical factors for economic growth.

    ın contrast, human-capital theories suggest that peoples’ competences, mediated by technological progress, are the deciding factor in a nation’s wealth.

    using three large-scale assessments, we calculated cognitive-competence sums for the mean and for upper- and lower-level groups for 90 countries and compared the influence of each group’s intellectual ability on gross domestic product.

    ın our cross-national analyses, we applied different statistical methods (path analyses, bootstrapping) and measures developed by different research groups to various country samples and historical periods.

    our results underscore the decisive relevance of cognitive ability—particularly of an intellectual class with high cognitive ability and accomplishments in science, technology, engineering, and math—for national wealth.

    furthermore, this group’s cognitive ability predicts the quality of economic and political institutions, which further determines the economic affluence of the nation.

    cognitive resources enable the evolution of capitalism and the rise of wealth.

    (bkz: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/…ad6e8e063ee13.pdf)

    the ıntellectual-class hypothesis

    the intellectual-class hypothesis posits that individuals who are cognitively highly competent should have a positive effect on affluence, politics, and culture in their society.

    several authors have referred to this phenomenon implicitly or explic-itly; for example, florida (2002) refers to the “creative class,” hanushek and woessmann (2009) speak of “rocket scientists,” pritchett and viarengo (2009) refer to “global performers,” and la griffe du lion (2002) calls the intellectual class the “smart fraction” of the population (see also gelade, 2008; weiss, 2009).

    unlike with other forms of capital, there are no diminishing returns for cognitive ability: the higher the cog-nitive ability and the more persons at higher cognitive levels, the better.

    the intellectual-class hypothesis can be operationalized in two different ways.

    one way is to measure the smart fraction of the population exceeding a given threshold: for example, an ıq greater than 106, 115, 130, or 145 (m = 100, sd = 15) or

    a student assessment score (sas) greater than 540, 600, 700, or 800 (m = 500, sd = 100,

    as measured by the trends in ınter-national mathematics and science study, tımss;

    programme for ınternational student assessment, pısa;

    and progress in ınternational reading literacy study, pırls, on one interna-tional norm derived from participating or organisation for economic co-operation and development, oecd, coun-tries).

    different thresholds have been suggested by other researchers: an ıq of 108 or higher (la griffe du lion, 2002),

    an ıq of 140 or higher (gelade, 2008, p. 717),

    an sas of 600 cognitive capitalism3or greater (equivalent to an ıq ? 115; hanushek & woessmann, 2009),

    an sas of 625 or greater (ıq ? 119; pritchett & viarengo, 2009),

    and an ıq of 106 or higher (weiss, 2009, p. 71).

    second, the intellectual-class hypothesis can be opera-tionalized by measuring the ability of an upper-level group, such as at the 90th, 95th, or 99th percentile of the population.